Gender-based violence (GBV) remains prevalent and significant in Bangladesh, deeply rooted in our patriarchal norms, despite notable progress in overall economic and political participation over the decades since our liberation. Addressing this violence and achieving genuine gender equality are critical for the nation’s future aspirations of inclusive, sustainable growth and development.

This brings us to the paradox: despite decades of women holding the top positions of political power in the country, why have we not been able to ensure basic security for women? The answer lies in two separate arenas of our society: the social and normative sector and governance. The first can be traced to the deeper cultural structures that shape our society. Women are still perceived through a patriarchal lens, either as  ond gender binaries, despite their long historical presence in our society, have, in recent decades, been cast out from citizenship rights. It is claimed that their very existence is ‘Western’-influenced and anti-religion. They are relegated to the rank of a rightless marginalised group, and violence against such groups is even less likely to receive justice. This is why gender-based violence never seems to decrease. Therefore, it has a great deal to do with how our society constructs gender roles and rights.

A 2024 survey by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) and UNFPA found that three out of four ever-married women (76%) aged 15 and older have experienced some form of intimate partner violence in their lifetime. Nearly half (49%) experienced such violence in the past year.

Despite significant progress in economic and political empowerment—ranking 7th globally in political empowerment in 2016—the pervasive nature of discrimination and sexual and domestic violence continues to hinder the full potential of more than half of our population. The survey also shows that violence against women and girls is widespread in both public and private spheres, including physical, sexual, emotional, and economic abuse, as well as controlling behaviours. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV), such as cyber harassment and non-consensual image sharing, is also a significantly growing concern, especially among young women. Post-July, cyber harassment of politically active women has skyrocketed.

Such vulnerability is heightened by poverty, lack of education, child marriage, dowry practices, and climate change-related disasters, which can increase family stress and displacement, leading to more violence. When efforts are made to reduce such vulnerabilities, evidence shows that educating women and girls lowers prevalence, while husbands’ education has an even stronger effect in reducing violence against women. These findings help identify major values that need to change and areas of intervention to reduce violence against women. Such violence is fuelled by deeply entrenched social norms and biases that devalue women, economic dependency, and a lack of awareness about rights and support services. Moreover, the construction of ‘women as possessions or objects’ is one of the root causes that makes women vulnerable to violence. Parents, fearful about ensuring the safety of such a possession, often try to marry girls off while they are still children, and in most cases with a heavy dowry, which in turn causes violence against these children to become more rampant. Nonetheless, stigma, fear of social isolation, and insufficient legal enforcement often prevent survivors from seeking help.

The governance mechanisms of statecraft come into the equation when attempting to solve the puzzle of reducing violence against women. Bangladesh’s governments, for decades, have taken many policy decisions to stop or reduce gender-based violence, but without much success. During the July uprising of 2024, like other mass uprisings, we witnessed the en masse presence of women on the streets and in the organisation of the uprising. While women came down on the streets of Dhaka and other major cities, they also faced different kinds of violence from state forces as well as Awami League’s political henchmen. While collecting data from more than nine thousand July women, we encountered women who consistently feared being sexually harassed by those aforementioned forces when they joined the movement. For them, therefore, joining the street protests always came with an additional burden: the fear of being sexually violated.

Post-July, what we witnessed was, first, a complete erasure of these women from all celebrations and jubilations marking the triumph against the authoritarian regime. These July fighters were first erased, then targeted and slut-shamed in cyberspace, and subsequently harassed physically on several occasions. Meanwhile, the perpetrators were eulogised with flower garlands by certain sections of men in the name of chastity and values. Three such perpetrators were rewarded with considerable grandeur. These actions helped to create a new culture of fear, marked by impunity for perpetrators and renewed humiliation for victims. Although some may attempt to brush off such incidents as disconnected or stray occurrences, even a few such incidents are sufficient to generate a culture of fear and to delimit women’s mobility and freedom. Moreover, the overall lack of security caused by a deteriorating law-and-order situation under the interim government affects women with deeper vulnerabilities. When powerful actors within the state machinery encourage extra-judicial mob violence through pressure groups, the situation worsens for women and girls. Their mobility and security are the first to be curtailed, as misogyny is effectively celebrated through silence from state forces and agencies that are meant to ensure security for all citizens.

In the new year, we should aim to be a developed and inclusive nation, and its future aspirations rely heavily on eliminating gender violence and ensuring women’s full participation in all spheres of life. We must ensure the following. First, economic empowerment, with a core aspiration of achieving women’s economic independence in order to reduce dependency and vulnerability to abuse. Efforts should focus on improving women’s access to education, formal employment, and other financial opportunities. Secondly, we need to strengthen and enforce laws such as the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act and the Child Marriage Restraint Act, and develop a national Sexual Harassment Prevention and Protection Law to safeguard the legal rights of women. In addition, an equal share of income and inheritance should fall under a uniform civil family law, a code for which the women’s movement has long struggled. Thirdly, in the long term, we must shift the patriarchal mindset that perpetuates gender inequality. This requires community-driven initiatives, engaging men and boys as allies, and integrating gender-sensitive education into schools and public awareness campaigns. Last but not least, women’s empowerment and development require sustained investment from the state to ensure affirmative action for more than 50 per cent of its populace that continues to lag behind. Borrowing from Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, we cannot think of advancing smoothly when one of our two wheels is broken. Future aspirations must focus on establishing coordinated, robust, and survivor-centred support services, including medical, legal, and psychosocial assistance, with particular emphasis on confidentiality and accessibility.

In essence, while gender violence presents a significant barrier, Bangladesh’s future aspirations must involve a holistic approach that tackles both the symptoms and root causes of inequality in order to foster a safe, inclusive, and thriving society for all its citizens. This requires a substantial shift in socio-cultural norms, strict enforcement of laws, and the active engagement of men and boys in building a safer and more equitable society.

Samina Luthfa is a Professor of Sociology at the University of Dhaka.

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