The July uprising led to public expectation for lasting reforms, including constitutional changes, to strengthen Bangladesh’s democratic institutions. Many hoped that those united in the uprising would also unite to realise those aspirations.
Instead, the government appears to be walking alone, particularly as regards constitutional amendment.
Faced with increasing pressure to push ahead with the reforms, the government dealt another blow to the fragile process as it formed a one-sided special parliamentary committee to amend the constitution without opposition members as they refused to be a part of it.
This setback deepens fears of disappointment. Reform hopes had emerged in a moment of renewed aspiration after the uprising that toppled an authoritarian regime of nearly 16 years. Constitutional reform quickly became a flashpoint between the ruling BNP and the opposition in the 13th Parliament.
Opposition parties led by Jamaat-e-Islami demanded reform through a Constitution Reform Council, as outlined in the July Charter Implementation Order. The BNP government rejected this, arguing the constitution contains no such provision.
In the first session on April 29, the government proposed a special parliamentary committee for constitutional amendment and sought names from opposition parties. By the second session on July 13, with no names submitted, it went ahead and formed the committee. Jamaat officially rejected the proposal, saying they did not “conceptually accept” such a committee.
Opposition leader Shafiqur Rahman clarified that the people’s demand was reform, not routine amendment. He pointed to the referendum, where 70 percent of voters supported reform and said he would consider joining a committee to “reform” the constitution. “But for amendment, no committee is needed. Bills will come from the treasury bench, we will join the debate, and they will either pass or be rejected,” he said.
As a result, constitution amendment itself risks becoming a new fault line in Bangladesh’s political arena, where major issues are often settled on the streets, sometimes with heavy bloodshed.
In July 2010, following the fifth amendment verdict, the Awami League government formed the country’s first-ever parliamentary special committee for constitutional amendment. On July 21, the 15-member committee, headed by then deputy leader of the House Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury, included only ruling alliance lawmakers. The BNP had declined to join, citing parliamentary rules.
On June 30, 2011, parliament passed the 15th amendment, abolishing the caretaker government system and allowing elections under partisan governments. The BNP strongly denounced the move.
The amendment retained Islam as the state religion, restored secularism as a fundamental principle. It also imposed restrictions on amending the constitution’s preamble and basic structure, and mandated displaying Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s portrait in all government offices.
Many believe that amendment triggered the political crisis and mayhem that followed. Three subsequent elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024 faced widespread allegations of manipulation. Observers argue democratic institutions were hollowed out.
Media restrictions, suppression of free speech, and criminalisation of opposition politics worsened the crisis. In August 2024, a student-led uprising finally toppled Sheikh Hasina’s government.
The 13th Parliament sat on March 12, but the ruling party did not convene a Constitution Reform Council citing constitutional complexities. Meanwhile, 23 of 133 ordinances issued by the interim government, including those with landmark reform provisions for judicial independence, human rights, and anti-corruption, lost validity and seven were repealed and 16 expired automatically.
These ordinances had been hailed as breakthroughs and their expiry threatens to stall key reform initiatives.
Besides the special committee on constitution amendment, parliament also passed 10 bills including the Finance Bill during, what was also called, the budget session. The parliament sat for 26 working days between June 1 and July 15 during that session and formed nine new standing committees on different ministries, bringing the total to 17.
As State Minister for LGRD Mir Shahe Alam was inducted into two committees, one on finance and another on home ministry, critics questioned whether a cabinet member could hold ministries accountable, arguing that a minister would inevitably defend his cabinet colleagues rather than scrutinise them.
Time constraints were repeatedly cited as justification for rushing bills through. Legislation ratifying the ordinances was passed hurriedly, often without MPs receiving copies in time, sometimes barely an hour before debate, making proper review impossible. On the final day of the session, the Invest Bangladesh Bill, 2026 was added to the supplementary agenda and passed within just 30 minutes, without referral to the standing committee. Opposition MPs protested, calling it a violation of their right to examine legislation.
Two other bills -- the Bangladesh Medical University (Amendment) Bill and the Public Examinations (Offences) (Amendment) Bill -- were also introduced under the supplementary agenda. The opposition objected, saying they had been tabled without prior notice, and staged a walkout. The bills were later referred to relevant committees and subsequently passed. On all three occasions, the Speaker decided to excuse the custom of furnishing bills ahead of time to allow discussion.
On some occasions opposition MPs struggled to engage meaningfully. Though vocal during budget discussions, they submitted no clause-by-clause amendments to the Finance Bill -- a rare omission in parliamentary practice.
Meanwhile, ruling party MPs frequently praised their leader, with a formal thanks-giving motion tabled after Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s return from foreign tours. Women members from reserved seats joined the House, though some drew criticism for making irrelevant comments.
The repeated absence of ministers from the chamber caused frustration, particularly when the prime minister was not present. On one occasion, the Speaker suspended the question-and-answer session midway after three key ministers failed to return in time following a prayer break. He voiced dissatisfaction, stressing that attending parliament should take precedence over other engagements.
The second session revealed both the urgency and fragility of Bangladesh’s reform, where rushed legislation and partisan strategies overshadowed democratic custom.
Politics should remain inside Parliament, the epicentre of parliamentary democracy. This is especially vital in Bangladesh since disputes spilling onto the streets invariably lead to instability and sometimes bloodshed.
