The 2026 election has been touted as one of the most historic in the country, remarkable for many reasons. It is the direct outcome of a bloody mass uprising led by students. It kept Awami League completely out of parliament, allowed Jamaat-e-Islami—a party bearing the unresolved legacy of 1971—to emerge as the main opposition, and brought BNP back to power with a two-thirds majority, giving Tarique Rahman the opportunity to demonstrate that he is the right leader to steer the country towards stability and progress.
Despite all this, what this election has not achieved is a respectable representation of women at the highest levels. Only 85 women contested in the election, including 66 with party nominations and 19 as independent aspirants. Eventually, only seven made it to parliament, including six from BNP and one formerly attached to BNP politics. It has been disheartening to see that candidates as accomplished and dedicated to public interest as Tasnim Jara, Taslima Akhter, and Manisha Chakraborty, among others, did not secure the required votes.
The continued sidelining of women in the country faded into near invisibility by the time the election came. A movement born in the name of justice and equality has eventually resulted in a parliament less representative of half the population than ever before.
Tragically, the interim government, despite being a product of an anti-discrimination movement, ended up discriminating against women’s political participation. This occurred through its overindulgence of parties openly opposed to women’s role in governance or their equal rights in public spaces. Political parties, meanwhile, did not bother to adhere to the minimum 5 percent representation despite pledging to do so by signing the July National Charter. The result, therefore, is hardly surprising.
But does this mean there is no way out of this absurd situation? Perhaps not.
A practical starting point would be the women’s reserved seats, which can provide at least some immediate corrective. Ideally, as recommended by the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission—whose proposals, by the way, received zero attention during the Consensus Commission talks—proper representation in elections would have significantly strengthened women’s political participation by giving them a direct mandate from voters. Since that has not happened, a more logical course is available: instead of adhering to the age-old practice of “rewarding” party loyalists by selecting their wives, daughters, or other female relatives, why not fill the reserved seats with competent women already invested in politics? These seats are allocated according to each party’s proportion of parliamentary seats, a formula that gives parties both responsibility and opportunity.
BNP, because of its parliamentary majority, is in a particularly strong position and can choose more women candidates than other parties. This is an opportunity it should not miss. By selecting honest, competent, qualified women committed to public service, the party can send a powerful message that merit, not patronage, will shape the new chapter of governance.
Similarly, despite the general sentiment within Jamaat to keep women out of leadership positions, it could serve the nation, and surprise many, by selecting accomplished professionals for the reserved seats.
However, merely allocating reserved seats to capable women will not bring meaningful change unless those seats come with real empowerment. Women MPs must have resources, visibility, and the mandate to influence decisions in their constituencies. The old practice of treating women MPs from reserved seats with dismissiveness must end. Empowering these 50 women MPs would not dilute but strengthen parliamentary authority. A parliament that fully utilises its members is inherently more effective.
Tarique Rahman has emphasised the importance of creating opportunities for women. In his own life, he has acknowledged the influence of his mother, two-time Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, as well as his wife, a physician, and his daughter, a barrister. Translating that acknowledgment into political action by bringing competent, principled women into parliament and the cabinet would be a strategically wise step. For example, Rumeen Farhana, winner of Brahmanbaria-2 constituency, would be an evident candidate for a cabinet role. Vocal throughout her political career, she fought tooth and nail to secure her victory after an unceremonious exclusion from BNP. Such appointments would not be a symbolic gesture, but rather a strategic investment in governance.
The new prime minister can thus begin with women candidates who confronted chauvinism, misogyny, and the entrenched influence of money and muscle. They campaigned on terrain hostile to their very presence. Their clean image, resilience, and steadfastness signal political courage.
Tasnim Jara, a physician and former member of the National Citizen Party (NCP), raised campaign funds through crowdfunding and built support by directly engaging ordinary people in her constituency. Her manifesto pledged to ensure improved healthcare and education, public safety, and greater accountability of MPs. Her campaign demonstrated organisational skills, public trust, and financial transparency, qualities essential for effective governance.
Manisha Chakraborty, another physician from the Bangladesher Samajtantrik Dal (BSD), contested in Barishal-5. A familiar face who had run as a mayoral candidate before, she raised funds through small public donations by distributing clay banks and secured 22,486 votes, which she rightly views as evidence of a growing vote bank seeking change from the “politics of plunder, corruption and communalism.” Her appeal to young, middle-class, and working-class voters suggests the capacity to build broad-based coalitions.
Taslima Akhter, an activist, photographer, president of Garments Workers Solidarity, and member of the NTCC and Labour Reform Commission 2024, ran from Ganosamhati Andolon in Dhaka-12. Her campaign focused on transparency and accountability and advocated for a “citizen council” through which voters could hold representatives responsible.
These are just some of the names that immediately come to mind. There are many others who also deserve consideration. It is encouraging that three women MPs have already been given ministerial positions. We hope to see more in the top tiers of the government.
Imagine a parliament and cabinet with a significant number of competent, capable, and honest women members. Such inclusion would not weaken the government; it would make it stronger, more credible, and better equipped to address the developmental and economic challenges ahead. A government born out of the sacrifices and aspirations of ordinary people should reflect the full strength of its people. Empowering qualified women is not charity or concession; it is sound political judgment.
Aasha Mehreen Amin is joint editor at The Daily Star.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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