In the months following the political turbulence of July 2024, the word reform has once again entered Bangladesh’s national vocabulary. Yet, despite its frequent use, the discussion remains narrow. Almost all attention has been devoted to political reform such as the design of the electoral system, the neutrality of institutions, the distribution of power within government and so on.
These are significant issues, but they represent only one dimension of the country’s challenges. If reform is to have meaning beyond rhetoric, it must extend into the social and economic foundations that determine how Bangladesh functions everyday i.e.reform in institutional levels founded on constitutional and legal ground to make it sustainable irrespective of political regimes. However, almost two years later still the question remains valid: how far are weeyeing in that direction or even the question remains very validwhether we intend to go in this direction?
THE LIMITS OF POLITICAL REFORM: It is easy to assume that a fair election and transparent administration can automatically fix the nation’s problems. However, political reform alone cannot rebuild public confidence or create prosperity or even give any guarantee that committed reforms will be continued in future irrespective of changes in political regimes. Particularly, this doubt remains valid as Bangladesh has seen similar reforms and broken promises before. So, it is high time or probably the most opportunistic moment of the history of this nation as the youth were in the center of the July movement and reform agenda. So, all possible causes of limits in the political reform as well as windows of opportunities should be explored properly if some sustainable changes could be expected in the long run.
A reformed political structure that fails to address corruption in service delivery, or that overlooks the stagnation of education and employment, risks reproducing old frustrations under new faces will not be sustainable in the long run. Political stability cannot endure when economic anxiety and social alienation persist. Reform, therefore, must be understood as something far wider: a coordinated renewal of the state and society as a whole; to make functional institutions that will be able to withstand any socio-politico-economic turbulence impartially. Thus, such reform must have to be based on the principles of good governance i.e., consensus oriented, transparency, accountability, following the rule of law, effectiveness and efficiency etc.
THE CASE FOR ECONOMIC REFORM: Economic stability based on the principle of equity and inclusion should be on top of any reform agenda in current Bangladesh. Bangladesh’s economic resilience over the past decade has been admirable, but recent years have exposed deep structural weaknesses. Export growth has slowed, the foreign exchange reserve has come under pressure, and inflation continues to erode the real income of ordinary households. The economy’s dependence on a single export sector has created vulnerability, while the tax system remains narrow and regressive, leaving the government perpetually constrained in financing essential services. And in the last one-year reform reports and discussions highlighted the weakness of many institutions such as banks, NBR, other public and private economic entities as the main cause of failure to sustain the claimed economic growth.
Economic reform should aim to diversify the base of production and trade, ensuring that sectors such as information technology, pharmaceuticals, and light engineering can emerge alongside garments and agriculture. At the same time, fiscal policy must evolve. The National Board of Revenue needs to widen the tax net and reduce dependence on indirect levies that disproportionately burden the poor. Public spending should priorities development of human capital such as education, healthcare, and research rather than politically motivated infrastructure projects. Most importantly, Bangladesh must cultivate a domestic environment that rewards innovation, linking universities and industries so that new ideas translate into tangible productivity gains. Without these shifts, growth will remain fragile, and prosperity will be distributed unevenly within the elite class of society. However, within the discussion of reform in various sectors institutional reform in the education sector almost remained untouched rather than agendas related politics such as election of student bodies got priorities.
THE NEED FOR SOCIAL REFORM: Bangladesh faces a widening urban–rural divide, persistent gender disparity, and limited social mobility for disadvantaged communities. These are not simply outcomes of market failure but of institutional neglect. Schools continue to priorities rote memorisation over critical thinking, leaving graduates unprepared for a rapidly changing economy. Social policies, while well intentioned, often fail to reach those most in need because local administrations lack authority and accountability. Most surprisingly top policy agenda and principles changes with the change of regime, thus creating a confused nation who is still in search of root and identity even after almost 55 years of independence.
Social reform must therefore begin with education. A modernised curriculum that encourages civic responsibility and analytical skills is essential for nurturing citizens capable of contributing to both democracy and development. Empowering local governments, particularly upazila and municipal bodies, is equally important, allowing communities to identify and solve their own problems. Bangladesh must also move towards more inclusive policies that recognise and protect gender equality, ethnic minorities, people with disabilities, and marginalized groups. Reform, in this sense, is about cultivating values as much as it is about correcting systems. However, these much-expected sectors remain out of focus of reform even at a time when we just got the ‘normal’ state of political governance by a national election recently in February 2026. The country and political parties prioritised ‘selected nomination’ of women in parliament thus again squeezing opportunities of real gender empowerment.
REFORM AS A NATIONAL MINDSET: Reform must ultimately be understood as a mindset, not as some changes on paper. Similarly, in an era of AI and sonic social transformation, the question of pragmatic and gradual organic changes will also not be valid. We must remember that broader social change is gradual and needs time. But we must sow the seed of need for reform in the minds of people.
As the nation stands at a crossroads, the question is not only whether the political system will change, but whether the culture of governance itself can evolve. Can Bangladesh truly reform if the conversation remains confined to electoral mechanics? Can the promise of democracy endure without a fair economy and an inclusive society? And can the new government truly serve the people if it ignores the everyday reforms that citizens need most?
The answers to these questions will define whether Bangladesh’s next reform is remembered as another adjustment of power, or as the beginning of genuine transformation.
Dr Shanawez Hossain is Head andAssociate Professor at the Global Studies and Governance (GSG) Department at the Independent University, Bangladesh (IUB). Farhan Musfiqueis a Research Assistant and Student at GSG, IUB. [email protected], [email protected]
