Bangladesh passed multiple tests of its democratic credentials through the 13th parliamentary election on February 12. It was a festive and peaceful one despite widespread apprehensions, had a credible voter turnout, stands as a decisive verdict for centrism and stable transition, and saw an encouraging aftermath with contestants accepting the results.
The election was not only about the contestants. Citizens have regained a sense of ownership over the democratic process and how the state is run. First-time voters saw voting as a political assertion. Women voted in large numbers. So did minorities. The ballot did more than bring in a new government. It carried clear expectations that governance must improve, and justice must be ensured at every level of the state-society relationship.
A closer look at voting data will be essential reading for the victors. The vote share percentage signalled a much closer competition than the seat share percentage. For longer-term political dominance, the BNP must closely read the mood of the electorate. For now, parliament stands poised to take on a new journey of democratic deliberations. A new team is in place to lead and steer governance. Tarique Rahman assumes the mantle of leadership with a measure of humility and restraint that is winning wide appreciation. The start surely is grounded in optimism. In the coming days, there will be much discussion within and outside the government on prioritising challenges and determining the ways forward. At this early stage, six signals from the government are critical.
The first signal is how BNP deals with the issue of competence, in the cabinet as well as officials manning the machinery of the state. This is less about mere academic qualifications and more about a grasp of the real world, acumen, decisiveness, and ability to move the system to produce results. Two lethal diseases have corroded the bureaucracy: sycophantic lobbying and grievances as currency. The colonial legacy of red-tapeism and prioritisation of file-moving over results on the ground has the potential to grind every well-meaning policy initiative. The interim government did not do much to address these challenges. BNP’s initial steps will be closely watched to assess how the competence issue is being addressed.
The second crucial signal is how the question about the economy is being perceived and handled. The interim government did credibly restore a measure of financial discipline, but it could not engage on the larger question of galvanising the economy. Stalled growth, investment and revenue mobilisation; rising poverty and unemployment; and deepening economic disparities define the current fundamentals of the real economy, as was shown in the Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC) State of the Real Economy Report of 2025. The nation awaits a crucial signal from the new BNP economic team on how the question of economic recovery and economic equity will be approached.
Fiscal discipline remains essential, but a one-dimensional stability agenda will not do. Momentum will come from identifying and nurturing multiple growth drivers and greater attention should be turned to mesoeconomics, the space between large corporate actors and micro-enterprises. This layer includes small and medium firms, manufacturing clusters, agro-processing networks, and service enterprises that employ at scale but often lack access to finance or technology. With the right policy support, these enterprises can broaden the base of expansion and reshape the pattern of growth. A structured national economic dialogue would help align public policy with these emerging growth drivers across sectors such as leather, light engineering, digital services, and regional production hubs.
The third signal needed from the new government is about effective compassion, which must accompany the focus on economic momentum. The recent PPRC research has shown that, on average, households across the country are barely breaking even. In urban areas, persistent budget deficits have become common, with families falling short by several thousand taka each month. Nearly 28 percent of citizens live below the upper poverty line, and for lower-income households, more than half of monthly spending goes to food. Underemployment adds another layer of insecurity. People often endure hardship when they believe the system is fair. They resist it when outcomes appear unjust. Social protection, therefore, must do more than distribute benefits. It must reduce vulnerability while preserving dignity and agency. These are agendas that found resonance in the electoral field, too.
The fourth signal is about the crucial issue of decentralisation. Rebuilding and empowering local government can be central to the political fortunes of the BNP government. Years of central dominance have widened the disparity and constrained local initiative. Decentralisation can correct that imbalance when accompanied by real authority, adequate resources, and clear accountability at the city and union levels. Regional inequality narrows when local institutions have the capacity to act. The landscape of political and economic power often resembles a Dhaka-versus-the-rest reality. A wake-up call on decentralisation has the potential to galvanise a much-needed national conversation.
The fifth signal is about healing. Autocratic rule did not merely suppress; it traumatised the national psyche. The interim period, unfortunately, somewhat dissipated the rare mood of national unity born from the July uprising. This agenda of healing is a crucial priority which will not be achieved by mere rhetoric or symbolic acts. Honesty of purpose and concrete institutional steps will be central. It cannot be achieved by the government alone, but the ruling group has to set the tone and direction.
The sixth and final signal is how the geopolitical complexities will be navigated. It is both a challenge and an opportunity, never more so than for Bangladesh at this moment of transition. Rushed agreements at the fag end of the interim government have raised some unease. The “Bangladesh first” position can be the anchoring message here. For us, engaging in the geopolitical space should not be seen as a zero-sum game. Our focus must be on positive-sum outcomes even when the geopolitical landscape is challenging and fraught with dominant power rivalries. The task here is not only for the foreign policy team, but for the entire government.
Good luck to the BNP government. Good luck to Bangladesh. Good luck to all of us.
Hossain Zillur Rahman is executive chairman at the Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC) and a former adviser to the caretaker government.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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