AS PREPARATIONS gather pace for the forthcoming 13th National Assembly elections and referendum, a critical democratic deficit remains largely unaddressed: the persistent barriers preventing third gender citizens from fully exercising their voting rights. According to the Election Commission’s final voter list published on January 22, the number of registered third gender voters stands at 1,234. This figure, however, does not reflect reality. Many third gender individuals continue to register under male or female categories, concealing their identities to avoid social exclusion, harassment, or bureaucratic complications. While their formal inclusion on voter rolls marks a symbolic step towards state recognition, the substantive implementation of their voting rights remains stalled by institutional unpreparedness and deep-rooted social prejudice.
The growing political participation of third gender people—whether as voters, candidates, or campaigners — signals an expanding awareness of citizenship rights and the promise of a more inclusive democratic process. Over the past decade, transgender individuals have begun to contest local government and parliamentary elections, asserting their presence in the public sphere. This shift followed a landmark decision on November 13, 2013, when a cabinet meeting officially recognised transgender people as a separate gender alongside men and women, pledging priority access to basic rights, including education. The recognition was formalised through a gazette notification on January 26, 2014, declaring transgender citizens as Bangladesh’s ‘third gender’. In 2019, they were granted the right to register as voters under this identity, rather than being compelled to vote as men or women, as had been the case previously.
These policy milestones have translated into notable, though limited, political participation. Nazrul Islam Ritu made history as the country’s first elected transgender chairman. More recently, Anwara Islam Rani emerged as a significant political contender. In the 12th National Parliament election, Rani contested as an independent candidate in the Rangpur-3 constituency, positioning herself as the principal challenger to Jatiya Party chairman GM Quader. Although she did not win, her candidacy marked a decisive break from political invisibility. Undeterred by social resistance, Rani is contesting once again from the same constituency, symbolising both resilience and the determination of the third gender community to claim political space. Beyond candidacy, third gender individuals are increasingly visible in election campaigns across party lines, further underscoring their growing engagement.
Statistical trends reveal modest progress but persistent gaps. In Chattogram, 69 third gender voters are registered across 16 parliamentary constituencies for the upcoming election, reflecting a slight increase from the 56 who voted for the first time in the January 7, 2024 election. Overall, the district has 6,587,576 voters, of whom 3,397,812 are men and 3,189,695 women. In Noakhali, despite the presence of more than 2,000 third gender residents across various upazilas, only 14 are registered under the third gender category. Lack of information about voter registration procedures and complications related to national identity cards remain major obstacles. In Mymensingh, 41 third gender individuals are registered to vote, although the actual population runs into several hundred, once again highlighting the disparity between lived reality and official records.
Elections offer transgender citizens an avenue to enter the social mainstream and articulate their legal and social demands more forcefully. Yet field-level information from the EC paints a troubling picture. Polling stations lack separate or sensitive arrangements for third gender voters and there is little assurance of security or dignity. Many transgender individuals are reluctant to vote because they are forced to queue with either men or women, exposing them to ridicule, verbal abuse, and humiliation. This fear, reinforced by past experiences, discourages turnout. Despite an existing legal framework, administrative apathy has rendered the right to vote largely nominal for this community. Even though their numbers may be small, ensuring their participation is a constitutional obligation. Current mismanagement effectively suppresses their franchise, leading many to disengage from the electoral process altogether.
The reality of third gender voting in Bangladesh exposes a familiar pattern: recognition without implementation. While constitutional and legal provisions affirm their right to vote, these guarantees falter at the point of execution. Without a secure, dignified, and non-discriminatory environment at polling centres, voting rights will remain confined to paper declarations. The Election Commission has repeatedly stated its commitment to inclusive voter registration, and the gradual increase in registered third gender voters reflects ongoing efforts. However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. Rights must be actively protected and facilitated at the polling station itself.
This responsibility cannot rest solely with the Election Commission. A coordinated approach involving the Ministry of Social Welfare, human rights organisations, civil society groups and the media is essential. Administrative personnel require sensitisation, clear guidelines and accountability mechanisms to ensure respectful treatment of third gender voters. Public awareness campaigns must challenge entrenched stigma and affirm that electoral participation is not a privilege but a fundamental right. Only through such collective action can the cycle of exclusion be broken.
The meaningful participation of third gender citizens is not merely a matter of minority rights; it is integral to the credibility of the electoral process and the health of democracy itself. An inclusive election strengthens public trust and signals a commitment to equality before the law. As Bangladesh approaches another national poll, ensuring that third gender voters can participate freely, safely and with dignity is not an optional reform — it is a democratic imperative.
Rehana Ferdouse is an assistant secretary of department of social welfare, executive committee, Police Women’s Welfare Association.
