IF THERE were any ministry whose rampant mismanagement and spiral of failure had fuelled public despise against the BNP-Jamaat coalition government during its previous term from 2001 to 2006, the ministry of power would surely be at the top of the list. The dysfunctionality was starkly visible in the form of prolonged power cuts throughout the year across Bangladesh. For any inquisitive mind wanting to understand the suffering and frustration of that time — the low production, rampant power cuts, costly theft and stark mismanagement — the pages of national dailies from that period remain the best source. This was an era before online journalism, social media and YouTube became the popular outlets they are today.
While some may argue, quite fairly, that these are matters of the past and that we should be forward-looking, we must remember that while promises and predictions are often matters of speculation and uncertainty, history stands tall with its truth. So, while the BNP currently returns to power after two decades, a forward-looking mindset is good, but a forward-looking mind-set rooted in the lessons learned from history is even better.
History shouldn’t repeat
THE energy and power sectoral history of Bangladesh between 2001 and 2006 was marked by several high-level scandals and disastrous policy approaches. Notably, this period saw the initiation of a process to export Bangladeshi natural gas to neighbouring India without considering the long-term implications for national energy security. The plan was eventually scrapped after a nationwide alarm was raised against the unfolding idea (Economic Times, 23 September 2002). The era was also defined by the explosion at the Tengratila gas field, caused by the negligence of the Canadian energy company Niko. The disaster destroyed approximately 8 billion cubic feet of gas and led to the subsequent resignation of the then state minister for energy, AKM Mosharraf Hossain. His resignation came against the backdrop of a reported scandal in which Niko gifted him a luxury car, allegedly to scuttle a high-level investigation into the blowout.
Perhaps the most heinous chapter was the government’s vested interest in pursuing open-pit mining in Phulbari and Barapukuria, despite the environmental and ecological sensitivity of the region. This adamancy led to a tragic turning point in 2006, when armed forces opened fire on a peaceful gathering of thousands protesting the plan, killing several and injuring many. Since then, August 26 has been observed as Phulbari Movement Day.
There is no way for the current BNP government to disown this history, especially when the current minister for power, energy and mineral resources is the same individual who served as the minister of state for power from 2001 to 2006. Therefore, it is a necessity to be extra cautious while managing this sector, as every policy and action is closely linked to the national economy and our daily lives. The current government should not feel ashamed to own its past; rather, it must find the courage to acknowledge its previous mistakes and vow that history will not repeat itself.
Challenges ahead
THE current crisis of fuel supply chain disruptions and spiralling prices in the country has resurfaced following the Israel-US war on Iran. However, this prolonged national sectoral disorder should not be confused with the recent global energy supply ordeal. Without a genuine and concrete effort to overhaul the power and energy sector in Bangladesh, the excuse of global conflict will not stand for long to justify local failures. The challenge is not merely securing low-cost, uninterrupted energy from the global market; it is about establishing a policy and regulatory framework to mobilise resources in the right direction. It is about focusing on long-term prosperity over short-term efforts to seduce the public.
It would be unfair not to mention the burdensome inheritance the current government has started with. The last Awami League government, which held power from 2009 until the mass uprising in August 2024, left almost every sector “moth-eaten” due to exorbitant levels of non-governance and corruption. The scale of monetary embezzlement in the energy and power sector is staggering. Over those 16 years, private sector power plant owners pocketed more than one lakh crore taka (over USD 8 billion) solely in “capacity charges” for power plants that sat idle — this is just one example among many.
Therefore, the duty of the current government is not just to build a fresh, modern and efficient energy sector; it must go the extra mile to undo catastrophic projects. This includes but is not limited to the 1,320 MW Rampal coal-fired plant near the mangrove forest Sundarbans and the 2,400 MW Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant on the banks of the Padma, which have been developed under the protection of indemnity laws, which shield decision-makers and officials from legal accountability and prevent them from being sued in court for any actions related to the nuclear power plant project. To move forward, the government must prove it is finally ready to dismantle this old, broken machinery and replace it with a transparent, resilient and overhauled energy architecture.
Overhauling the sector
AS PER the Bangladesh Power Development Board’s latest reports, the maximum peak power demand reached 17 gigawatts (GW), while the total installed capacity stands at 27 GW. This 59 per cent surplus in generation capacity is a direct reflection of a failure in national planning. The supply side was allowed to ‘mushroom’ primarily to facilitate the pocketing of ‘capacity charges’, while the development of transmission, distribution and demand-side fostering was neglected.
Consequently, Bangladesh ranks low globally, with a per capita electricity consumption of just 603 kWh per year. In neighbouring India, consumption is nearly double our own (IEA website, accessed on 12 May 2026). The problem in our power sector is not merely about the ‘overcapacity’; it is the existence of poor infrastructure and a weak demand-side response that has effectively dwarfed our potential electricity demand. This negligence is bleeding our economy and creating energy poverty for millions. For instance, drivers of electric three-wheelers are often forced to leave garages with only a partial charge due to low-quality supply and frequent outages. Similarly, low- and middle-income households, who are ready to pay for their basic needs like fans, lights and electric cookers, are denied continuous use due to rampant power cuts. Instead of merely pointing fingers at the previous government for “over-fattening” the sector, the current government must make the sector more demand-sensitive. The government must invest in infrastructure resilience to bridge the gap between peak demand and installed capacity while ensuring every additional unit of power generation capacity undergoes strict scrutiny to ensure modernisation and fuel diversification.
While the government must make the system demand-responsive and address energy poverty, it must also increase efficiency to get more service out of every unit of energy input. In this regard, the government must lead by example. We cannot expect the public to embrace energy conservation while the state continues to build glass-covered, air-conditioned buildings, construct multi-storey automated parking and hold meetings in over-lit halls. The government’s lifestyle should reflect its message: it cannot promote efficiency while government officials use fuel-heavy vehicles and its policy prioritises private cars over public transport. Energy sovereignty for Bangladesh is not just about being energy independent; it is about building an economy that achieves more with less.
Beyond rhetoric
IF ONE thing harmed the energy and power sector most, it was the rhetorical claims of the previous regime, which were consistently used to gloss over inaction and mismanagement. These claims often hid behind big numbers, gigantic infrastructure projects and cosmetic documentation designed to obscure the underlying rot. While these populist tricks may work in the short term, they inflict profound damage on the country in the long run. Therefore, the current government must prioritise the nation’s long-term security and act with the foresight of statesmen, rather than choosing a populist path or behaving like narrow political partisans. For instance, following the government’s recent plan to install a 10 GW solar power system by 2030, we must exert democratic pressure to demand the details (Daily Star, 17 April, 2026). We require a rigorous situational analysis of forward and backward linkages, an economic rationale comparing an import-based solar boom against the facilitation of local industry and a comprehensive plan for electrical waste management. Above all, there must be free and open discussion among all stakeholders. We must do more than simply cheer for these targets because any well-intentioned goal can lead to a catastrophic economic and environmental outcome if it is not grounded in thorough planning and technical scrutiny. The same is true for any proposal regarding in-country coal mining, the establishment of additional coal or nuclear power plants or any policy that deepens our import dependency on foreign energy sources.
The current government stands at a critical crossroads in the face of a climate emergency that is indiscriminately affecting Bangladesh. It can choose to repeat the cycle of short-term firefighting and rhetorical camouflage, or it can embrace the difficult, transparent work of building a resilient energy architecture. True leadership will not be measured by the number of gigantic projects inaugurated but by the stability of the grid, the affordability of the tariff, and the government’s own willingness to lead by example. To move beyond the shadows of the past and the ‘moth-eaten’ inheritance of the present, Bangladesh requires more than just energy and power infrastructure; it requires the political will to empower its people through transparent and consistent processes. It requires the triumph of action over rhetoric and the evidence of progress over excuses for the past.
Mowdud Rahman is a researcher and an engineer.
