THE interim government — which assumed office in the changed political context on August 8, 2024, with a mandate for reforms of the state, justice and accountability for the crimes committed by the Awami League government and general elections — appears to be leaving its mark with rushed agreements and memorandums of understanding with foreign entities. The government of Muhammad Yunus has even effected such agreements at the fag end of its tenure. Whilst many of the agreements have been signed days before the general elections scheduled for February 12, many of them have raised questions about the transparency and accountability of the government in dealing with such deals and even whether the government at all has the mandate to enter into long-run, policy-level agreements. Many of the agreements that the interim administration has signed are closely related to the direction of Bangladesh’s international relations that would shape the foreign policies of the political party in power. Civic group actors, academics and governance campaigners, therefore, think that it would have been better if the interim government had left such tasks to the next elected government, which would execute the agreements, which have not been based on a consensus of political parties.
The government has recently signed agreements on economic partnership and on defence equipment and technology transfer with Japan, on a framework to set up a military drone manufacturing facility with a Chinese state-owned company, and on the construction and operation of the Laldia terminal with a Danish company for 33 years, the operation of the River Pangaon terminal with a Switzerland-based company for 22 years, the establishment of a drone factory with China and the purchase of fighter jets from China, from Pakistan, of Typhoon jets from a European consortium and of Black Hawk helicopters from the United States. The government has also readied or is set to sign a few more agreements. The government has, however, stopped short of signing the agreement on the New Mooring container terminal operation with a United Arab Emirates-based company. The non-disclosure nature of the agreements has kept any details of the terms and obligations from the public, which points to an absence of transparency and accountability. In such a proposition, the dominance of agreement-related activities coming to dominate the agenda of the interim government, especially towards the end of its tenure, has given rise to criticism that the government has appointed lobbyists representing foreign entities that are pushing the government from within to sign the agreements.
The adviser on foreign affairs on February 5 said that the interim government was making matters easy for the next elected government, being oblivious, willingly or not, to the proposition that all this could be a burden on the next government. The next government must, therefore, weigh all such agreements and rethink and review them before their execution.
