Let’s congratulate Dr Muhammad Yunus first. I have been a critic of the interim government and not kind to its missteps. But one thing we knew for certain was that his legacy of presiding over Bangladesh’s most consequential election in a generation would change the course of politics in the country.
To aid the election on February 12, General Waker-uz-Zaman’s team worked tirelessly to make this extraordinary event happen. The police and bureaucracy followed suit with equal resolve. Nearly 10 lakh security personnel deployed across 42,651 polling centres, not a single lethal bullet fired, and yet peace prevailed. That is no accident; it is a genuine commitment to the republic. While Dr Yunus took the podium, the Election Commission built the stage. Credit where it is due.
And what a spectacular stage it was. Around 12.77 crore voters, nearly 60 percent turnout, and a verdict that needs no spin. The BNP-led alliance swept at least 212 of 299 contested seats while Jamaat-e-Islami’s 11-party coalition secured 77, as of February 14. Tarique Rahman, back in Dhaka after 17 years in exile, won both his constituencies and is on course to form the next government with a commanding two-thirds majority. The referendum passed with 68.1 percent approval. Bangladesh did not just vote—it voted as it meant it.
The milestones deserve public memory. Not a single organised act of election violence spiralled into a crisis. Tarique Rahman told reporters after casting his vote, “For more than a decade, the people of Bangladesh have been waiting for this day,” pledging to “prioritise improving law and order so that people feel secure.” Jamaat Ameer Dr Shafiqur Rahman called the election a “turning point.” “People demand change. They desire change. We also desire change,” he said. Both camps, for once, read from the same script: the people’s script.
The political maturity shown by both BNP and Jamaat in accepting the verdict is the real victory. Shafiqur Rahman confirmed his party’s graceful acceptance of results “regardless of whether others choose to do so or not.” If this maturity is genuine, Bangladesh will go a long way. The people voted in a festive mood; first-time voters said it “felt like Eid.” A former teacher who had not voted since 2008 laughed in the queue, saying that standing in line was nothing compared with the joy of casting his own ballot.
The BNP, the power-to-be in parliament, will need a solid cabinet that works beyond partisan interests, with zero tolerance for corruption, impunity, and violence. Every BNP member should have tattooed somewhere visible the lesson from why the Awami League fell: its arrogance of power. Be open to constructive criticism and meritocracy, and deliver to the public, not to the party. And keep the military, bureaucracy, and law enforcement apolitical.
Jamaat did comparatively well: 77 alliance seats is a historic high. But the verdict carries a message: society is still not ready for theocracy, to put it politely. Their role as responsible opposition will define the country’s democratic future. This verdict is about restoring democracy where everyone’s voice matters—including women and minorities, who remain apprehensive. It is time to ensure that inclusivity, accountability, and the rule of law are at the heart of governance, so that every citizen can participate fully in the country’s new democratic journey.
This is also the NCP’s chance to rebrand as a full-grown political party without being a junior partner. Work hard, stay with the public, and make yourselves visible through meaningful parliamentary contributions, not TikTok manifestos. Any whiff of corruption will only keep you junior.
Now, the question that people would ask out loud: what on earth does the Awami League do next? Its exiled leadership is already denouncing the election as “one-sided,” which is a bit rich from a party that won 257 (281 if we count Jatiya Party’s 24 seats) out of 300 seats in 2018 and saw nothing one-sided about that. Will it choose genuine reform and reorganisation, or keep running a party-in-exile from talk shows, sitting in someone else’s guest room? The choice is there, but history suggests they will pick the option with the most dramatic background music.
And to our beloved social media misinformation industry—the deepfake merchants, the bot armies, the “breaking news” pages run from home and abroad: over 700,000 propaganda posts since August 2024, and the people still saw right through you. The shelf life, my friends, has expired. The public upgraded their misinformation detector faster than you upgraded your bots.
A necessary word on the interim reform commissions is also needed. They proved to be, diplomatically, underwhelming—and, honestly, weak in parts. Grand ideas drafted in seminar rooms with little connection to the constitutional and political realities of a functioning parliament. The new parliament must continue but rethink reform from scratch: what is implementable, what is aspirational fantasy, and what belongs in the dustbin.
Let us not forget that most interim affiliates were chosen by the students and Dr Yunus. That selection process explains a fair share of the governance hiccups. The show is not over; the transparency of their 18 months is yet to be judged. History is keeping notes.
Meanwhile, BNP will enjoy the most comfortable international position of any Bangladeshi government. Delhi has agreed to work with any elected government; Beijing and Islamabad respect the people’s mandate; Washington, Tokyo, Brussels, London, Ankara, Geneva, the Middle East and beyond will stay supportive as long as transparency is delivered. But every handshake now comes with a price tag. Prepare for it.
Bangladesh spent 18 months in the waiting room of democracy. On Thursday, the doctor finally called our name—and people walked in, heads held high, ink on their fingers, and a verdict in their hearts that no algorithm, no exile, and no autocrat can override. The prescription is simple: govern like the people are watching, because this time, they actually are.
Shahab Enam Khan is professor of international relations at Bangladesh University of Professionals and Jahangirnagar University.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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