When the Women and Children Repression Prevention (Amendment) Ordinance was promulgated in March last year, it was hailed by many as an “iron shield” for women and children in Bangladesh.
By setting a 90-day timeline for trial and redefining consent and age limits, the ordinance raised hopes that the state was finally serious about ending impunity. It also included provisions for setting up specialised tribunals to deal with child rape cases.
However, one year on, available data tell a sobering story.
In the 13 months till February this year, 776 rape cases were documented by Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), a human rights organisation, highlighting the persistent gap between legislation and enforcement. Almost half of the victims were minors.
Last month alone saw 183 cases of violence against women and children, according to Bangladesh Mahila Parishad.
Over the last week, at least three rape incidents involving minors were reported. One of them was killed after being raped, and a family member of a survivor was murdered while trying to stop the perpetrators. There was also the shocking murder of a seven-year-old girl, who was found with her throat slit at Sitakunda Eco Park on March 1. Police said she was subjected to attempted rape.
Experts say the ordinance cannot serve as a true safeguard while deep structural failures continue to plague the justice system.
The 2025 ordinance clearly defines rape as a non-compoundable offence. Yet, a parallel practice of unlawful village arbitration, or salish, continues to override the law in many cases.
The problem has deepened due to the absence of basic protection mechanisms and a fragmented network of One-Stop Crisis Centres (OCCs), hamstrung by funding and manpower shortages.
A recent incident involving a 15-year-old girl in Narsingdi illustrates the consequences of systemic failure. The girl was abducted and murdered on February 25, two weeks after she had been gang-raped.
When her family members were on their way to the police station after the rape incident, the perpetrators intercepted them and forced them to return home.
Later, a union parishad member “settled” the issue through local arbitration.
As the girl was still being stalked, her father decided to move her to safety. When he was taking her to a relative’s house on February 25, they were intercepted on the way. The girl was abducted and then killed.
“This type of settlement directly violates a High Court judgment prohibiting derogatory or demeaning decisions made in the name of fatwa or informal arbitration,” said Taposhi Rabeya, deputy director (mediation) at Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust (BLAST).
“Such settlements are not remedies; they fuel further violence… Had she been able to report to police instead of being forced into a compromise, she would have been alive today,” she said.
Fauzia Moslem, president of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, shared the same view.
“Justice for rape must be pursued only through the legal process,” she said.
CRISIS CENTRES IN CRISIS
Designed as “single-window” support hubs, the OCCs were supposed to be integrated into the regular revenue budget after the expiry of the Multi-Sectoral Programme under the women and children affairs ministry in 2024.
However, that did not happen, hampering the operations of the OCCs. Survivors often complain of a lack of support and limited services.
For example, a Jahangirnagar University student, who was rescued after she had been raped, was taken to the OCC at Dhaka Medical College Hospital on February 24 but was turned away after waiting for nearly two hours.
Kamrun Nahar, a member of the Rape Law Reform Coalition, who assisted the victim in accessing OCC services, said, “The victim arrived at the OCC just before iftar. No responsible official was there. Only a constable was present. Despite her condition, she was told that admission was not possible at that hour.”
It took 48 hours for the student to get admitted.
“The promise was to provide all services under one roof. But it is difficult to find anyone after 2:00pm… If a rape incident occurs at midnight, who will serve the victim?” she said.
Several rights campaigners who provide support to rape victims said that staffers at OCCs often view the facilities as forensic units rather than spaces for medical and psychosocial care. By prioritising clinical evidence over essential counselling, the state has allowed a vital support system to lapse into bureaucratic neglect.
FROM MANIFESTO TO MEANINGFUL ACTION
Experts say the 776 cases recorded over the 13 months till February this year demonstrate that tougher laws cannot achieve the desired results without strong determination to strictly enforce them.
“Lawmaking in Bangladesh often becomes an act of populism,” said Taposhi, adding that the real test is whether people actually benefit from it.
She said the government must translate its pledges into concrete measures to ensure women’s safety and dignity. It should also review and implement the recommendations made by the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission.
Fauzia urged the new government to adopt a zero-tolerance policy on violence against women and children with a dedicated taskforce under the home ministry.
She said the necessary measures to protect women and children from violence should be outlined in the government’s work plan for the next six months, and the upcoming parliamentary sessions must prioritise substantive action over rhetoric.
“We do not want to live in a society scarred by rape and murder,” she said, adding that a humane society requires a fundamental shift in sensitivity towards women.
Maleka Banu, general secretary of Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, said that although laws have grown stricter, the state has failed to build an effective justice delivery mechanism.
“Exemplary punishment alone is not the solution,” she said.
She called for broader social reform -- through education and by challenging misogynistic political and religious narratives -- to move towards a culture rooted in respect for women.
