Trump seems to treat war like a reality show season finale: loud entry, dramatic lines, and then a tweet-sized promise that everything is under control, while the rest of the world is left counting the bill. Sadly, this is not Hollywood, and countries like Bangladesh end up paying for the popcorn, the petrol and the power cut too. As oil and LNG prices jump because of the Iran conflict, Bangladesh is scrambling to secure costly energy imports, with reports of fuel rationing and pressure on the power supply. So, while Trump may enjoy playing the global action hero, ordinary people from Tehran to Dhaka are stuck in the sequel nobody asked for: Madness in the Middle East, bills in Bangladesh.

For Bangladesh, the US-Israel war with Iran is not a distant conflict; it is an economic shock that can reach households, factories and markets very quickly. Bangladesh depends heavily on imported fuel and on trade routes exposed to disruption in the Middle East, so higher oil and LNG prices can feed directly into transport, electricity, food and industrial production costs. Inflation is already running above the IMF’s projected 2026 level of 8.7 percent, so any fresh energy shock could worsen it and complicate the new central bank governor’s hopes of eventually lowering interest rates and improving the foreign exchange reserve. What begins as a missile strike abroad can end up as a more expensive bus ride, a higher utility bill and a tougher borrowing environment at home.

The pressure points are clear. Reuters reports that Bangladesh’s recent spot LNG purchases rose to roughly $20.76 to $28.28 per mmBtu, compared with about $10 in January, while Brent crude has returned to around $100 a barrel. That means imported inflation could intensify just as Bangladesh is trying to stabilise prices and support recovery. On GDP impact, there is no settled Bangladesh-specific estimate yet, but the effect could be worse than India’s projected loss of 0.5 percent because Bangladesh imports about 95 percent of its energy and has fewer buffers.

Mitigation, therefore, needs to be practical rather than theoretical. The government could encourage partial work from home on weekends or selected days for offices where feasible, so commuting demand and fuel use fall modestly without freezing the economy. It should also improve domestic gas availability and prioritise gas-based power and industrial supply where possible, reducing dependence on costlier oil products. Alongside that, Bangladesh can tighten energy efficiency in public buildings, cut non-essential fuel use, reduce overseas travel, and protect transport and power supply for export industries, hospitals and food logistics. None of these steps is dramatic, but crises are often managed through many small decisions taken early.

Other countries offer useful signals. India has already invoked emergency measures to boost LPG output and protect domestic supply, including maintaining access to Russian oil. South Korea has moved to cap domestic fuel prices and draw on large reserves, while the European Union is examining temporary relief on energy-related charges to ease pressure on industry. Japan, meanwhile, is again being reminded of the danger of overdependence on imported fossil fuels. Bangladesh cannot copy these models perfectly, but it can follow the same logic: diversify supply sources, cut unnecessary fuel use, shield priority sectors and move faster on alternatives before the shock deepens.

The blunt truth is this: wars launched in the name of strength often export weakness to poorer countries. Bangladesh did not vote for this war, but it may still pay through pricier fuel, slower factories, tighter reserves and anxious families waiting for money from abroad. That is why the right response is early preparation, energy discipline and realistic contingency planning. In global politics, powerful nations make decisions; in fragile economies, ordinary people receive the bill.

The writer is the founder of BuildCon Consultancies Ltd and BuildNation Ltd



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