‘THERE is no last word in politics’ is a phrase frequently used by Bangladeshi politicians to justify unprincipled compromise and to excuse disregard for ordinary citizens. Yet there is indeed a last word in Bangladesh’s political journey: the Liberation War of 1971. Through that historic struggle, the people were promised an independent, secular and democratic state founded upon human rights, economic equity and social justice. That foundational compact with the people has never been fully honoured.
Bangladesh has undoubtedly made significant economic progress since independence. Infrastructure has expanded, GDP has grown, and social indicators have improved in some areas. Yet the lived reality of ordinary working people remains deeply troubling. Their conditions have not improved in proportion to national growth and, in many respects, lag behind those of workers in neighbouring countries. The promise of dignity, fairness, and opportunity remains elusive for millions.
The student-led mass movement of July 2024 created a rare opportunity to correct historical failures and realign the nation with its founding ideals. Instead of narrowing inequality, however, the gap has widened further. Public insecurity has intensified to levels not seen since the traumatic violence of 1971. Many citizens now view the promised election of February 12 as the only viable pathway out of fear and uncertainty. If the election does not take place, or if political actors once again fail to honour public trust, Bangladesh risks sliding into a far deeper and potentially irreversible crisis.
From the Language Movement of 1952 to the mass uprising of 1969, progressive students have repeatedly stood at the forefront of Bangladesh’s struggles for freedom, democracy, and justice. Their movements were not merely reactive but visionary, articulating national aspirations long before political elites could do so.
The spirit of July 2024 therefore belongs not to any single group or faction but to the broader tradition of student and youth activism in Bangladesh. Those who genuinely wish to preserve that spirit must consider moving beyond short-term agitation towards a long-term, non-partisan programme for democratic and educational reform. The historic 11-point programme of 1969 provides a powerful model: a unifying agenda that contributed directly to the political awakening that led to independence.
A similar youth-led framework today could focus on employment generation, meaningful education reform, anti-corruption measures, environmental protection, and the defence of constitutional democracy. Such a programme would not seek power but would instead compel political actors to pursue reforms aligned with the people’s interests.
Fear, violence and the rightward drift
SINCE August 2024, Bangladesh has witnessed a disturbing rise in mob violence and public insecurity. The inability to guarantee basic public safety was evident when Victory Day celebrations on December 16 were scaled down and the traditional military parade was cancelled. This climate of fear coincides with a growing shift towards religious extremism, threatening the secular foundations upon which Bangladesh was established.
In the absence of meaningful pressure from progressive forces, centrist parties — including both the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party — have repeatedly made opportunistic compromises with constitutional principles in pursuit of votes from the religious right. This pattern of political expediency has hollowed out the ideological foundations of the republic.
Free, fair, and credible elections remain the only sustainable route towards restoring public trust and democratic stability. Yet the February 12 election itself has come under threat following renewed violence in December, including attacks on prominent newspapers and progressive cultural organisations. These acts of intimidation have created widespread fear but have failed to extinguish the public’s desire for democratic accountability.
Political leaders with public credibility now face a historic test. Those who command popular support have a responsibility to reject extremism, defend democratic norms and insist on an inclusive electoral process. Any attempt to secure power through arrangements with anti-democratic forces, whether through manipulated elections or extraconstitutional compromises, will ultimately be rejected by the people.
If future leaders wish to demonstrate genuine statesmanship, they must rise above partisan and sectarian considerations and seek to unite all pro-independence forces around the principles of secular democracy. Bangladesh does not need another cycle of factional dominance; it needs moral leadership rooted in the ideals of 1971.
Disillusionment after the July uprising
THE July 2024 movement was not merely a protest against authoritarianism; it was an expression of collective aspiration to revive the unfinished project of liberation. Students and ordinary citizens articulated these hopes through slogans, songs and creative expression. The interim administration that followed emerged with widespread public goodwill and the expectation that it would guide the nation towards a swift return to constitutional democracy.
Instead, the period since has been marked by growing insecurity, economic stagnation and controversial decisions affecting national sovereignty. Strategic assets have reportedly been leased to foreign interests under opaque agreements, while extended reform discussions have provided political cover for previously agreed geopolitical commitments.
The work of the Consensus Commission has further deepened divisions. Its proposed ‘July Charter’ raises serious constitutional concerns, including provisions that appear to legitimise political violence and undermine foundational constitutional principles. The proposal to hold a complex referendum alongside the general election, with bundled questions requiring all-or-nothing agreement, risks confusing voters and weakening democratic choice. It is troubling that so few political parties have publicly challenged these provisions.
Bangladesh’s present predicament did not emerge overnight. It is the cumulative result of decades of political self-interest, entitlement and the systematic erosion of democratic institutions. Corruption, misgovernance and repression began soon after independence and intensified over time. While recent periods saw particularly severe authoritarian tendencies, earlier administrations also bear responsibility for institutional decay and abuses of power.
The toxic rivalry between the AL and BNP has fractured society and damaged almost every national institution. Education, in particular, has suffered deeply through the politicisation of campuses, corruption within student wings, and the erosion of academic independence. What occurred in 2024 was therefore not an anomaly but the inevitable consequence of long-standing structural failures.
Younger generations, especially Gen Z, have grown up experiencing only one political order. They have seen infrastructure development but also witnessed restrictions on democratic participation, including the denial of voting rights in multiple consecutive elections. Their frustration was not ideological but experiential: a response to exclusion, inequality and unaccountability.
Many student activists have now wisely returned to their academic pursuits. This is not a retreat but an opportunity. Healthy campus activism can play a vital role in improving student welfare, promoting culture, encouraging critical thinking, and sustaining demands for educational reform and employment opportunities.
Given the repeated failures of political elites, it may be time for students and young citizens to articulate a comprehensive, non-partisan vision for the nation’s future. The 1969 student movement demonstrated how such collective programmes can shape national destiny. A contemporary equivalent could include commitments to: education aligned with social needs and technological progress, youth employment and skills development, protection of national sovereignty, democratic and electoral reform, social and economic justice, environmental sustainability, public health and food security and regional peace and cooperation.
Such a framework could help identify and support honest, capable candidates while empowering disadvantaged voices.
Democracy must mean justice
THE Consensus Commission has notably failed to address several critical issues, including the meaningful participation of workers and women. The indirect selection of women to reserved seats through party quotas undermines genuine representation. Instead, political parties should be legally required to nominate at least 30 per cent women candidates for direct election.
Similarly, corruption and rising living costs cannot be addressed without confronting structural economic problems. Unregulated markets, entrenched syndicates, crony capitalism and the nexus between political power and illicit wealth continue to distort governance. Without dismantling these structures, reform efforts will remain cosmetic.
Electoral reform is equally essential. While caretaker governments have historically enabled fairer elections, concerns about unelected administrations remain valid. A possible compromise could involve an election-time government headed by a directly elected president and composed of MPs not contesting re-election. What matters most is that the process commands public trust.
Parliament itself must be transformed. It should not function as a vehicle for personal enrichment or social status. The dominance of business elites in recent parliaments has excluded working people, despite their immense contribution to the economy and national history. True democracy requires representation that reflects the lived reality of the majority.
Members of Parliament should be full-time public servants, adequately compensated but prohibited from maintaining external business interests. Their role should be legislative, not administrative. Local development should be managed by empowered local governments, reducing opportunities for patronage and corruption.
Proposals for unelected upper houses or elite councils are unnecessary and financially unjustifiable. Instead, parliamentary representation could be strengthened by increasing seats and introducing proportional representation mechanisms. The current first-past-the-post system distorts outcomes, disenfranchises large segments of voters, and entrenches dominance by major parties.
A hybrid system — such as proportional voting in multi-seat constituencies — could preserve local representation while ensuring fairer outcomes. Moreover, meaningful political participation will remain limited until financially disadvantaged but capable citizens can realistically contest elections. Public funding of streamlined campaigns, supported by responsible media coverage, could help level the field.
Returning to the spirit of liberation
BANGLADESH stands today at a moral and political crossroads. The ideals that inspired the nation’s birth — secularism, democracy, social justice and human dignity — have been steadily eroded but not extinguished. The aspirations expressed by students and ordinary citizens in 2024 demonstrate that the spirit of 1971 remains alive.
The question now is whether Bangladesh will once again betray that spirit or finally honour it.
Only by restoring democratic accountability, confronting corruption, empowering youth and reaffirming the constitutional foundations of the republic can Bangladesh hope to emerge from its prolonged crisis. The task is daunting, but history shows that when ordinary people, especially students, rise with clarity of purpose and moral conviction, the course of the nation can indeed be changed.
Dr Ahmed Abdullah Azad, a retired academic and scientist, works pro bono to help develop biotechnology research capacity in Bangladesh.
