Universities in Bangladesh, especially the public ones, are facing a new kind of crisis. During the Awami League government’s rule, universities were turned into instruments of authoritarian domination and violence. Vice-chancellors were appointed on the basis of partisan loyalty rather than academic merit, while student dormitories became hubs of intimidation and violence perpetrated by ruling party goons. Intellectual inquiry, academic freedom, and the overall learning environment were severely damaged. We saw the most extreme consequences of this phenomenon in July and August 2024, when universities became the sites of brutal attacks as well as fierce resistance.
In the aftermath of the mass uprising, it was expected that the way universities had been governed so far would change. Instead, there is now growing disappointment and concern.
If universities cannot function properly, and teachers and students cannot concentrate on teaching, research and the pursuit of knowledge, then the country’s intellectual growth, political maturity, and democratic development suffer. We witnessed this decline under the previous regime. Unfortunately, some of those patterns still remain.
One of the most urgent concerns is the VC appointment. After the uprising, it was expected that VCs would be appointed based on their academic contributions, teaching record, research, administrative ability, and independence, through a transparent and accountable appointment process. All public universities were expected to do so under a common framework.
Instead, many recent appointments appear to reflect the same old patterns. VCs have been appointed at a number of universities following the national election, and in some cases, their credibility as teachers, researchers or administrators is questionable. There has been no consistent institutional process for appointments. Decisions appear to have come from above. There are also allegations that money may be influencing these appointments. If true, t his is deeply alarming. Removing existing teachers and creating vacancies could also open the door to ill-motivated recruitment.
Another disturbing development is the growing influence of vested interest groups. Recent events at Dhaka University are particularly worrying: disciplinary action has been taken against several teachers, while a section of teachers aligned with the ruling party has allegedly prepared a list of 231 teachers who had reportedly opposed the July uprising, demanding action against them. This indicates another attempt to turn the university into a partisan institution, and the justification of this move must be examined carefully.
During the uprising, students were violently attacked by the ruling Awami League and its affiliated organisations. Some university administrators and teachers played deeply reprehensible or even criminal roles in this crackdown. So anyone found to have participated in such attacks must be held accountable. But accountability must follow due process. Allegations must be properly investigated. Those accused must be given an opportunity to defend themselves, and decisions must be made through a transparent and impartial process. Two years after the uprising, it cannot be acceptable to suddenly prepare a list of teachers, harass them or declare them unwelcome on campus without proper investigation.
Other public universities are seeing similar developments. In certain cases, some student groups have declared teachers they don’t like unwelcome on the campus. That is not the role of a student group. If students have complaints, they should convey them to the university authorities through proper channels. The allegations should then be investigated and action taken according to the established rules.
At universities, freedom of opinion is highly important. Simply because someone did not support the July uprising, or supports the Awami League, does not make that person unfit to remain at a university. Universities must include people with different political views, and freedom of expression is essential to academic life.
Some of the universities where these incidents are occurring are governed by the 1973 university orders. The Dhaka University Order, for instance, protects teachers’ right to political participation and expression. But academic freedom does not depend only on this order. Without the freedom to think, question and express ideas, teaching and research cannot exist. Some opinions may be wrong or even harmful. Those should be confronted through argument, evidence and scholarship, not administrative punishment. A person may oppose the July uprising, disagree with it, or hold critical views about it. That position may be objectionable to many, but it is not, by itself, a punishable offence. It belongs to the realm of political, social and ideological debate. Only by maintaining this distinction can universities preserve an environment where scholarship can flourish irrespective of political opinion.
Today, there are teachers who are unable to go to their classes. Some are afraid to enter their campuses. A university teacher develops expertise through years of teaching and research. If fear and intimidation keep teachers from teaching, conducting research or entering their workplace, the resulting damage goes beyond the individual: students are deprived of education, and the country suffers an intellectual loss.
There is also the issue of development funds. A number of public universities receive large allocations for infrastructure projects. These funds may be one of the reasons groups with vested interests are so eager to grab administrative positions in universities. Under the previous regime, powerful networks reportedly grew around these allocations. Contractors, sections of the administration, and a small number of teachers and even student leaders allegedly benefited from commissions, inflated costs, unnecessary projects, and irregular procurement. There are signs that this pattern still prevails. If power changes hands but the same corrupt system is preserved, universities will continue to decline. The crisis in education and knowledge production will remain unresolved.
The government must restore universities as functioning institutions. From VC appointments to the wider administrative structure, there must be safeguards against coercion, political patronage, and financial corruption. Transparency and accountability must guide the entire process.
There are also concerns that new student groups on the campuses have started to behave like their predecessors from the Awami League era. Recent reports of intimidation and violence must be taken seriously. Preventing the rise of another student group resorting to mob violence is a crucial responsibility of the government. If it refuses to patronise such groups of students and teachers and ensures that they receive no administrative protection, universities will have a better chance of functioning as they should: as places of learning, critical inquiry, and free intellectual exchange.
Anu Muhammad is former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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