3.

Some ask why certain martyred intellectuals did not leave the country or cross borders, or why they remained and accepted salaries from the Pakistan government.

Such accusations are uncomfortable because they often mask inhumanity and political vindictiveness. These people were abducted and killed for their identity, their writing, and their work. Does this not prove that they stood for the freedom of the Bengali people? Being marked as an enemy by the occupiers reflects precisely their position.

It is also vital to understand that not everyone fights in the same way in a movement. An activist may march in protests, a soldier may take up arms, a teacher may speak truth in the classroom, a writer may write, and an artist may paint or sing. All these contributions break fear in society.
All contributions are political and transformative. The martyred intellectuals worked from their positions—through knowledge and conscience.

4.

History repeatedly shows that occupying powers first attack the leadership, particularly the educated and influential.

Under Nazi Germany’s occupation of Poland, the Intelligenzaktion campaign targeted teachers, clergy, physicians, and other influential figures to leave society leaderless and prevent resistance.

Under Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, education and knowledge were deemed enemies, with the aim of destroying the educated class, professionals, and urban knowledge infrastructure, devastating the state’s education, healthcare, and intellectual foundations.

Post-2003 in Iraq, researchers note that killings and intimidation of scholars and medical faculty were strategies to weaken the educated society.

While debates may exist the ideology or intent were the same in these incidents, the outcome is consistent: knowledge and institutions are weakened, people flee, and the intellectual structure collapses.

These examples show that defeating a population requires more than military conquest; its future must also be destroyed—its universities, hospitals, media, arts, teachers, physicians, and writers.

The killing of intellectuals is thus not just a history of grief; it is an assault against state-building and an attempt to cripple the future.

5.

Now the question is: what should we learn from this history?

The declaration of Bangladesh’s independence clearly emphasises equality, human dignity, and social justice. These are not merely legal statements; they embody the spirit and morality of the Liberation War. The Constitution reinforces this path, declaring the republic a democracy that ensures fundamental rights, freedoms, and respect for human dignity.
Here, people are central, not state power. Articles 27, 31, and 32 of the Constitution should guide state behavior, not remain merely on paper.
This is the legacy of the martyred intellectuals. They gave not just the flag but a moral map—one where human rights, dignity, legal protection, and equal citizenship are core principles.