Through the general election on February 12, Bangladesh has entered a new political reality. After years of political conflicts, street-based movements, and institutional tensions, this transfer of power is not only a change of government but also a turning point for the project of rebuilding the country. At the centre of this stands Tarique Rahman, who has taken office as the country’s 11th prime minister after being an opposition politician living in exile for 17 years.
Along with this transfer of power, his political language also seems to be changing. Earlier, he was the voice of resistance, and more recently, before the election, of promised reform, reconstruction, and revenge-free politics. But in his first speech as the prime minister, his tone was different. There, priority was given to stability, administrative discipline, and handling immediate crises.
The background of the 2026 election was full of instability. The student-led mass uprising of 2024 brought an end to Sheikh Hasina’s long rule. Through loss of lives, institutional breakdown, and deep political division, the nation passed through an uncertain period. In this context, the interim administration formed under the leadership of Prof Muhammad Yunus stabilised the state, and through political consensus the July National Charter was formulated, where commitments to future constitutional reforms were included.
Before the election, the mark of this revolutionary context was clear in Tarique’s speeches. He spoke about rebuilding the country, restoring democracy, and rebuilding public trust. One of his most discussed ideas was the “rainbow nation”—a Bangladesh where diversity of opinion, path, religion, and identity would coexist. Against divided politics, this was the language of reconciliation. He promised reconciliation instead of revenge, and proposed forming commissions to heal political wounds. He also pledged to protect the rights of minorities and women. At the same time, he gave warning messages about the influence of extremist religious politics, which made him acceptable to urban youth and women voters as well.
Talking about the economy, too, his language was ambitious. Family Cards, Farmer Cards, cash assistance, massive employment, development of small entrepreneurs—together, he presented a welfare-oriented state outline. He also raised the dream of a trillion-dollar economy in the long run. In other words, before the election, his speeches were a blueprint for repairing the state.
After coming to power, however, the practical form of that language has begun to change.
In his first speech as the prime minister on February 18, his tone was far more administrative. He gave the highest priority to the rule of law. He spoke about controlling disorder to bring back discipline. He clearly said state governance would not be run by party influence, but by the rule of law. This was a significant message to the administration and party activists.
Another noticeable matter in his speech was the emphasis on inclusion. He said those who did not vote for him were also citizens with equal rights. In this, there is an assurance of revenge-free governance. Perhaps he is interested in stepping into the role of a state guardian from a leader of resistance. However, some gaps between electoral promises and governing reality have become clear, especially in the economy.
Before the election, promises of direct cash assistance like Family Cards and Farmer Cards created a strong response. But after coming to power, the government has begun speaking about a “fragile economy” and a “realistic time frame.” Controlling commodity prices, ensuring electricity supply, and stabilising law and order, especially during Ramadan, have emerged as initial priorities.
This is the natural tension between promise and capacity. But if this gap cannot be explained, there may be misunderstanding and frustration.
The same reality exists in the issue of constitutional reform. Although the July charter spoke of major reforms, the government seems more focused on handling immediate governance crises. As a result, a silent shift in priority is visible between long-term reform and short-term stability.
International messaging is also clear in Tarique Rahman’s speeches. Transparency, accountability, digital transformation, investment-friendly environment—through the use of these words, there is an effort to rebuild global confidence. In regional diplomacy, too, his language has been coordinated and inclusive.
A continuous element in his speeches is the remembrance of martyrs. By linking the Liberation War of 1971 and the mass uprising of 2024 in the same line, he has tried to construct a continuous history of resistance across two generations. But at the same time, he has spoken about controlling “mob culture,” which signals a transition from revolutionary politics to institutional governance.
Before the election, his speeches held dreams of a trillion-dollar economy, large infrastructure, and investment flows. Now his language has given more space to commodity markets, electricity, and administrative discipline. This is not retreat, rather a reprioritisation.
The government is speaking about a 180-day action plan. This period will be the most important test. If people see improvement in market prices, electricity, and law and order, then confidence in long-term reforms will grow.
This evolution in Tarique’s political language reflects the transformation of his leadership. In opposition politics, the strength of protest is important, but in governing the state, patience, coordination, and institutional dependence are necessary.
Bangladesh now stands at a sensitive crossroads. Maintaining balance between revolutionary expectations and administrative reality will determine the success of this chapter. The countdown of the first 180 days has already begun. Within this period, the budget will also have to be presented.
There is only one question: can the promises of resistance turn into responsible governance?
Dr S.M. Rezwan-Ul-Alam is associate professor and chair in the Department of Media, Communication, and Journalism at North South University (NSU). He can be reached at [email protected].
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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