Tanzimuddin Khan: The uprising did not belong to any single party. The “non-political” identity of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement attracted everyone. It was not even possible to distinguish Shibir separately at that time. Moreover, many Shibir members maintained their influence in residential halls while holding Chhatra League identities or positions. Once they came forward under their own name, that influence became much stronger, especially because other student organisations were unable to conduct election campaigns in the same way due to restrictions on political activities in residential halls (political activities were banned there on 17 July 2025).
They won the elections through a specific strategy, welfare activities such as providing water filters, food, and tuition support. At the same time, public universities, particularly the faculties of arts and social sciences, have seen a significant increase in students from rural backgrounds and those facing economic hardship. Shibir recognised this shift, reached out to their families, and provided support through financial assistance and tuition opportunities. One student told me, “My father told me to vote for Sadik.”
In contrast, Chhatra Dal faced an image crisis. There was a strong narrative that “Chhatra Dal and Chhatra League are the same,” and that women were not safe in the hands of Chhatra Dal. In the case of the leftist groups, they were labeled as “Shahbagis,” “atheists,” or “extremists.” Taken together, all of this benefited Shibir.
Moreover, student organisations often look toward instructions from their respective parent organizations, and those political parties did not give student union elections sufficient importance from the beginning. In this regard, Jamaat was more proactive. They also had advantages within university administrations, particularly because many people in offices such as the proctor’s office were sympathetic toward them or showed favouritism.
There have also been broader changes in society. The inability to curb corruption, the lack of political integrity, and the gap between politicians’ words and actions led people to search for “something new” and new alternatives. All of these factors increased the prospects for Jamaat-Shibir.
As for the politics of hidden identities: In the 1960s and 1970s, some people used aliases for security reasons or to evade police attention. But they did not become part of wrongdoing or physical abuse under the banner of another political party. This time, they placed their trust in one ideology while becoming partners in another party’s wrongdoing, they played hide-and-seek with their own political beliefs and engaged in deception. This kind of unethical political maneuvering ultimately raises questions and creates fear among the public.
Even so, they won because, in many cases, students facing social and economic pressures now make decisions based heavily on immediate circumstances. For many, short-term gains and benefits have become more important. However, there are certainly exceptions.
