INTERNATIONAL Day to Combat Islamophobia arrived this year as the United States and Israel deepened military confrontation with Iran — an atmosphere that has pushed anti-Muslim rhetoric from the margins into mainstream western politics. In the United States, several recent statements by elected officials have raised alarms among civil rights advocates, constitutional scholars and interfaith leaders who warn that such language is incompatible with democratic norms and the First Amendment’s guarantee of religious freedom. These concerns are not abstract: history shows that when governments normalise suspicion or hostility towards a religious minority, the consequences can be profound and long-lasting.
That danger is visible again today as remarks by president Donald Trump and several Republican lawmakers illustrate how deeply Islamophobia has become entangled with national politics. In a radio interview, Trump attributed recent violent incidents to the ‘genetics’ of alleged assailants, suggesting that some people ‘shouldn’t have been let in’ and ‘something is wrong there.’ His comments followed attacks at Old Dominion University in Virginia and at a synagogue in Michigan, the latter involving a US citizen of Lebanese origin whose family had recently been killed in an Israeli strike. Experts have for long associated such references to ‘genetics’ with racial pseudoscience and eugenics, which modern science has rejected as unethical and discriminatory. The inconsistency speaks for itself: when a white American shot the president during the election campaign, ‘genetics’ never entered the conversation. It surfaces only when the suspect can be othered. That is not science — it is scapegoating dressed up as biology.
Trump’s rhetoric has coincided with a surge of open anti-Muslim statements from members of Congress. Representative Andy Ogles of Tennessee declared that ‘Muslims don’t belong in American society,’ calling pluralism ‘a lie.’ In a speech in the past year, he said that ‘America is and must always be a Christian nation.’ Other lawmakers have echoed similar sentiments. ‘No more Muslims immigrating to America,’ posted Representative Brandon Gill, R-Texas on Thursday. Representative Randy Fine of Florida wrote, ‘We need more Islamophobia, not less,’ while Senator Tommy Tuberville of Alabama posted a photo of the September 11 terrorist attacks side-by-side with a photo of New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani, who is Muslim. The caption read: ‘The enemy is inside the gates.’ These statements have drawn condemnation from Democrats and civil rights groups. ‘Islamophobia is a cancer that must be eradicated from both the Congress and the country. The shocking silence from Republican leadership is deafening,’ said House minority leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-NY speaker Mike Johnson said only that he ‘wouldn’t use quite the same language,’ yet he still implied that fears of the ‘sharia law’ justified the sentiment despite the fact that no such legal system exists anywhere in the United States. The intent is unmistakable: invoking this imaginary threat as a political boogeyman is meant to scare the public and legitimise hostility towards an entire religious community.
According to reporting from ABC News, this pattern reflects a broader rise in anti-Muslim rhetoric among Republican lawmakers, particularly in the context of the ongoing war involving Iran. Analysts note that the shift marks a departure from earlier periods when party leaders more consistently condemned such language.
History offers sobering examples of what happens when governments legitimise hostility towards a religious minority. In the United States, anti-Catholic sentiment in the 19th century fuelled violence, discriminatory laws and political movements such as the Know-Nothing Party. Anti-Jewish rhetoric in Europe during the early 20th century laid the groundwork for exclusionary policies that escalated into catastrophic violence. More recently, the post-9/11 era saw a dramatic rise in hate crimes against Muslims and those perceived to be Muslims, including Sikhs and Arab-Americans. Civil rights organisations documented widespread surveillance, profiling and detention that disproportionately targeted Muslim communities.
These episodes demonstrate a consistent pattern: when political leaders frame a minority group as inherently suspect, foreign or dangerous, public hostility increases, legal protections erode and violence becomes more likely. The state’s role, whether through explicit policy or permissive silence, can either restrain or accelerate these dynamics.
One of the most striking contrasts between the present moment and the aftermath of 9/11 is the role of presidential leadership. In 2001, president George W Bush visited a mosque within days of the attacks and declared, ‘Islam is peace.’ ‘Those who feel like they can intimidate our fellow citizens to take out their anger don’t represent the best of America,’ Bush said. That message, delivered from the highest office in the country, helped prevent an already volatile situation from spiralling further.
Today, the tone is markedly different. As noted by Maya Berry of the Arab American Institute, the current climate is ‘worse than what we saw post-9/11’ because the presidential ‘bully pulpit’ is being used not to calm tension but to amplify suspicion. Hate-crime data reflect this shift: the largest spike in anti-Muslim and anti-Arab hate crimes occurred after 9/11, but the second-largest spike came during 2015–2016, coinciding with the rise of Trump’s initial presidential campaign. The pattern suggests that political rhetoric has a measurable impact on public behaviour.
The United States is not the only country witnessing a rise in Islamophobia. Across Western Europe, anti-Muslim sentiment has been fuelled by decades of migration from regions once colonised or occupied by European powers. In France, debates over hijab bans and ‘separatism’ laws have intensified. In the United Kingdom, reports of anti-Muslim hate crimes have risen during periods of political tension. In Germany, far-right parties have capitalised on fears of immigration to gain electoral ground. Even Scandinavian countries, often idealised as models of tolerance, have seen their own surge in anti-Muslim sentiment.
These developments reflect a broader struggle within western democracies: how to reconcile pluralism with anxieties about identity, security and cultural change. When political leaders choose to exploit these anxieties rather than address them constructively, the result is often a narrowing of democratic space and a weakening of social cohesion.
Statements suggesting that Muslims ‘don’t belong’ in American society or that Islam itself is a threat run counter to the First Amendment. They also risk normalising discrimination in policy areas such as immigration, law enforcement and public education.
Legal scholars warn that when elected officials frame an entire religious community as inherently dangerous, it becomes easier to justify extraordinary measures — surveillance, exclusion or restrictions on religious practice — that would be unthinkable if applied to other groups. The danger is not only to Muslims but to the integrity of the constitutional order.
Analysts note that inflammatory rhetoric can generate viral moments, energise political bases and drive fundraising. In some cases, lawmakers who make such statements are rewarded with committee appointments or increased visibility. In fact, in the case of Congressman Randy Fine, the day he actually said starve them all is the day that he was appointed to the House foreign affairs committee. This dynamic creates a perverse incentive structure in which bigotry becomes politically advantageous.
At the same time, the absence of strong condemnation from party leadership signals that such rhetoric is acceptable. This silence can be interpreted as tacit approval, further emboldening those who seek to use fear and division as political tools.
International Day to Combat Islamophobia is not merely symbolic. It serves as a reminder that religious freedom is a universal human right and that democracies must actively protect minority communities from discrimination and violence. It also highlights the need for vigilance: Islamophobia does not emerge in a vacuum but is shaped by political choices, media narratives, and social conditions.
By acknowledging the harms caused by anti-Muslim rhetoric, both historically and today, societies can begin to address the root causes and work toward more inclusive and resilient democracies.
Addressing Islamophobia requires a multifaceted approach: political leadership that unequivocally rejects bigotry and affirms the equal dignity of all citizens; legal safeguards that protect religious freedom and ensure accountability for hate crimes; public education that counters misinformation and fosters understanding across communities; media responsibility in avoiding sensationalism and providing accurate, nuanced coverage of Muslim communities; and interfaith and civic engagement that builds bridges and strengthens social cohesion. These steps are not only morally necessary but essential for the health of democratic institutions.
The rise of Islamophobia in the United States and across the west is a warning sign. Democracies are strongest when they protect the rights of minorities, uphold the rule of law and resist the temptation to scapegoat vulnerable communities. International Day to Combat Islamophobia invites us to reflect on these principles and to recommit to a vision of society in which all people, regardless of faith, can live with dignity, safety, and equal rights.
Dr Habib Siddiqui is a peace and human rights activist who lives in the United States.
