Tim Cook spent much of his 15 years running Apple answering a question he could never really win: was he as visionary as Steve Jobs?

It was the wrong question.

Cook was not hired to become Jobs, and his achievement was not reproducing the sequence of category-defining inventions that produced the Mac, iPod, iPhone and iPad. His achievement was taking the remarkable, founder-driven company Jobs left behind and turning it into something far larger, more systematic and considerably harder to disrupt.

The numbers make the case brutally well. Apple was worth roughly $350bn when Cook became chief executive in 2011. By the end of his tenure, its market value was about $4.6tn, having briefly reached $5tn in July. Annual revenue rose from about $108bn to more than $400bn, while Apple’s shares increased more than twentyfold.

Cook understood scale better than almost anybody in modern business.

His genius was less theatrical than Jobs’s but no less consequential. Long before becoming chief executive, Cook helped turn Apple’s supply chain into a formidable competitive advantage. As CEO, he took the iPhone and built an expanding commercial universe around it.

The phone became a gateway to the Watch, AirPods, Apple Pay, iCloud, Music, TV+, Fitness+, the App Store and other services. Buying an Apple product increasingly meant entering a network in which hardware, software and subscriptions reinforced one another. By 2025, annual services revenue had surpassed $100bn.

That strategy changed Apple profoundly. The company no longer had to depend entirely on persuading customers to buy the latest iPhone. It could earn recurring revenue from hundreds of millions of people already inside its ecosystem.

Cook also proved that Apple could create successful new hardware businesses without Jobs. The Apple Watch developed from an uncertain luxury gadget into an important health and fitness platform. AirPods became a cultural phenomenon. And perhaps Cook’s most consequential technological decision was less visible: abandoning Intel processors in Macs and accelerating Apple’s move towards its own silicon.

Apple Silicon gave the company greater control over performance, power consumption and the integration of hardware and software. It is the sort of achievement that encapsulates Cook’s Apple: technically ambitious, operationally disciplined and presented to consumers as something that simply works.

Cook did not produce another radical new tech like the iPhone. Almost nobody could. Instead, he built a company capable of extracting extraordinary value from the iPhone revolution for far longer than many thought possible.

The diplomat

Apple under Cook became so large, so international, and so dependent on global supply chains that its chief executive could no longer behave merely as a businessman. Cook had to become a diplomat.

He cultivated relationships with leaders in Washington and Beijing while relations between the two countries deteriorated. He navigated Donald Trump’s trade wars, tariffs, immigration policies and demands for American manufacturing while simultaneously protecting Apple’s enormous commercial and industrial interests in China.

This geopolitical balancing act belongs near the centre of Cook’s legacy. He managed to obtain tariff relief for Apple products during Trump’s first administration and maintained access to the White House even when Apple publicly disagreed with government policies. During Trump’s second term, Cook’s accommodation became more conspicuous: he attended the president’s inauguration and personally donated $1m to the inaugural committee.

CNN portrays Cook as something approaching a corporate statesman: an executive whose negotiating skills helped preserve the conditions that allowed the iPhone business to continue operating on a global scale.

The price of the China machine

As Apple’s operations specialist before becoming chief executive, Cook helped create the extraordinarily sophisticated manufacturing system in China that made the company’s scale possible.

China gave Apple something difficult to replicate elsewhere: huge concentrations of skilled workers, component suppliers, logistics infrastructure and factories capable of changing production at extraordinary speed.

The company, however, has faced years of criticism over censorship, working conditions and its compliance with Beijing’s demands. Apple has removed apps opposed by Chinese authorities and stored some Chinese users’ data inside mainland China. The resulting tension between Apple’s carefully cultivated reputation as a defender of privacy and the compromises required to remain in the Chinese market.

Li Qiang, founder of China Labor Watch, argues that the efficiency of Apple’s production system has depended too heavily on a workforce absorbing the pressure created by demanding production schedules. His organisation’s latest investigation reported workers at Foxconn’s Zhengzhou operation relying on extensive overtime to earn adequate incomes, including a worker it said was logging about 87 overtime hours a month against a statutory ceiling of 36.

If Apple could demand microscopic tolerances from manufacturers, secure extraordinary production volumes and orchestrate global launches with almost military precision, it is reasonable to ask why acceptable working conditions proved harder to enforce with the same consistency.

The supply chain that made Apple spectacularly efficient also made the company dependent on an authoritarian state and exposed it to persistent criticism over the workers responsible for turning immaculate designs into hundreds of millions of physical products.

Cook recognised the strategic danger and began diversifying production, particularly towards India and Vietnam. But he leaves Apple less dependent on China, not free of it.

That is characteristic of his tenure. Cook was exceptionally good at managing contradictions. He rarely eliminated them.

And then came artificial intelligence.

The bandwagon

Cook’s Apple usually benefited from patience.

Apple was not the first company to make a smartwatch. It was not the first to sell wireless earbuds, streaming video or digital payments. Its advantage was arriving when technologies were mature enough to be integrated, polished and distributed across an enormous installed base.

Generative AI may punish that instinct.

Apple entered the current AI boom from what should have been an enviable position. Siri had given the company an early foothold in voice assistants. Apple controlled its operating systems, designed its own chips and had billions of devices sitting in homes, offices and pockets.

Yet as ChatGPT, Gemini, Claude and other systems transformed expectations of what software could do, Siri became a symbol of how far Apple had fallen behind.

Apple Intelligence promised a distinctly Apple approach: personal AI deeply integrated into the device while protecting private information. But the rollout was troubled. Important Siri improvements were delayed, and Apple eventually became dependent partly on technology developed elsewhere. 

If advanced AI models become commodities – powerful but interchangeable technologies that companies can buy or license – Cook’s restraint may look brilliant. Apple could simply choose the best available intelligence and wrap it in an experience only Apple can deliver. 

But if ownership of the underlying AI model becomes as strategically important as ownership of the operating system, the company that spent decades reducing its dependence on outside technology could find the intelligence inside its most important products supplied by somebody else. 

And if an AI company succeeds in creating the next dominant computing platform – one capable of weakening the smartphone’s position at the centre of digital life – history may ask why a company with Apple’s cash, engineering talent and reach failed to seize the moment.

In the end, what really matters is that Tim Cook had already proved that he was far more than the caretaker of Steve Jobs’s Apple. Cook's tenure will always be remembered for its extraordinary wealth creation, formidable operational discipline, shrewd political management and compromises that became harder to defend as Apple’s power grew. 

But no matter what awaits Apple in the future, one thing will remain certain: Tim Cook built an empire out of the one Steve Jobs left him. Whether that empire is one that's built to last or not, is for John Ternus to answer.  



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